Charcoal and the UN mission give robust activity to Eastern Congo
BY GEORGE KAGAME&
CHARLOTTE KINGSMAN
“You are very early going into the market at this time” said a young man selling a variety of products in a roadside bakery shop in Goma town, on top of bread; the roadside kiosk sold a range of other products from Vodacom telephony credit cards, cigarettes and bananas for early morning commuters in this busy town.
In the middle of Goma town is a sprawling outlay of makeshift wooden stalls, like in any other African food market the stalls are closely linked to each other that waking room for shoppers is a problem. That however is not the only problem, the market sellers open for daily business after nine o’clock in the morning and because electricity connection in Goma is limited to only a few buildings, the market closes with sunset.
The remains of dry lava, which comes from the inactive volcanoes of the Virunga are an ever enduring feature of Goma, the blocks from this lava just in western Rwanda are used to build domestic houses, wall fences and in to construct roads.
Goma is a bustling city of commercial and political action, at almost every turn is a motor cycle stage; the motor cycles transport Goma residents from one centre to another of this major town in Eastern Congo . The city was until only a few years back the seat of the remnants of the Interahamwe, and other elements of Rwanda ’s military and political hierarchy before 1994, the combination of these two stands largely accused for planning and implementing the 1994 Genocide which claimed close to one million Rwandans.
They are sworn enemy of the new Rwanda and have been actively involved in all wars in the Great Lakes Region since 1994, many bandit groups have since broken off from the two and formed smaller rebel groups, this has led to a complex socio-political situation in the entire eastern part of DR Congo and as a result of the presence of these rebel groupings, it is highly risky to travel in the area with Rwandan documents.
That threat however is not limited to Rwandans, the entire stretch from Goma, Sake to Masisi is occupied by a large military presence, some are for the regular national army of DR Congo, some from one rebel group or another and about 17,000 from the crafty UN Peace Keeping force in Eastern Congo known as MONUC.
As the Genocide in Rwanda was stopped in July 1994, Goma was immediately at the centre of proxies that led to the region in Eastern DR Congo getting into a constant clout of conflict, war, and many horrendous crimes which were classified by the UN as genocide too. As if to remind the residents of that area of the constant possibility of war, on Thursday 28 August, there were fierce battle exchanges between General Laurent Nkunda’s forces and the DRC national army thirty miles outside Goma.
These eruptions of war have made the presence of MONUC necessary; however, the MONUC forces especially from India and Pakistan are accused of raping the women in the area and exchanging gold and other gem stones with the rebel groups particularly the FDLR, this has made the UN to be viewed with suspicion by the residents.
Furthermore, as if to emphasize the counterproductive nature of events in this town is the fact that along the way from Gisenyi , Rwanda ’s western boarder town with DR Congo, you can get along with many people in Kinya-rwanda, the Rwandans in Goma are: “jack of all trades”, as the English adage goes.
They sell tomatoes in the market, ride commercial motor cycles in town, and work as tour guides and in many guest houses in this resort town on the DR Congolese side of Lake Kivu .
The Rwandans in Eastern Congo contrast sharply with their Congolese counterparts in western Rwanda , many Congolese in the Rwandan side of the boarder are lavish, they eat in influential restaurants like Gisenyi Auberge and frequent Gisenyi’s ultra modern night clubs.
The western part of Goma is also evidence of the feeling of uncertainty in the region, military roadblocks from Goma to Sake are numerous while the main road resembles a territory under siege, there’s a large presence of armed Congolese soldiers on both sides yet even with the uniformed and armed army men, security experts in the Great Lakes state that there has been a large commercial enterprise mainly involving charcoal which is extracted from the FDLR controlled jungles in Eastern Congo and transported for sale in Kigali.
The charcoal and timber business, experts add spawns the entire Eastern DR Congo region and that the FDLR-(Forces for the Liberatioin of Rwanda).
The FDLR are Rwanda ’s biggest security threat today and they are alleged to be the largest benefactor of this trade boom that has increased the profile of Goma commercially.
The timber and charcoal products come from the jungles of Eastern DR Congo and are controlled by the FDLR, through a myriad cobweb of networks, the charcoal and timber are sold in Goma town and later reaches Kigali .
The next time you purchase a sack of charcoal from a Kigali market there are many chances that it would have made its way from FDLR territory.
Sake town, to Goma west is another glimpse of Eastern town
As mentioned above, Eastern DRC has different armed groups fighting different government in the Great Lakes region, each of these rebels have their own territory but the most significant of them is Laurent Nkunda, other rebel groups have expanded in this largely undeveloped part of DR Congo and now their network are believed by security experts to be extending as far as the Central African Republic, some like the FDLR are reported to have been of the violence squads that were employed during the March presidential elections in Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe was at one point also involved in the DR Congo skirmishes.
Sake town only a few kilometers is where the action in Eastern DR Congo is intense, it’s at the cross roads of the territory under the DRC government, a short distance away are refugee camps in which FDLR has many of its contacts, while MONUC forces hold fort between the FDLR, Nkunda’s and the Congolese forces. Any new comer to the intricate workings of Sake is subject to deep scrutiny, and it is not clear who is working for which side.
Furthermore, among Nkunda’s forces are members who have integrated into the DRC regular security forces through various agreements, while there are others that have not, these different troops have close relationships and they are viewed suspiciously by the MONUC, the DRC army and several other formal and informal security organs, occassionaly when Nkunda’s integrated forces visit their non-integrated colleagues clashes breakout especially in Sake.
The town has been a centre with control rights swinging between Nkunda, MONUC and currently the DRC army. Sake, on the road to Mushake, has twice fallen to Nkunda in a year and serves as a staging point for the army. MONUC has said any rebel attempt to re-take the town would be met with force.
Because of the looming threat of war outbreak Sake market is largely dominated by women and children selling mainly cassava manioc, goats and sheep suspected t be from the territory controlled by General Nkunda.
Sunday, 28 September 2008
Habari series last one
Witness shortage adds plot to military 'killing time softly' script
BY GEORGE KAGAME
In The Matter of Honour, by British politician Jaffrey Archer, there's a story about a German general who is facing charges for his role in the 1945 second world war which to a large extend set many precedents for the term Genocide as it is widely understood today.
The military man aware that his chances of survival were minimal, he let the lawyers in the military tribunal have a field day. He schemed his way and acquired a chemical weapon which would ensure that he is not sent to his death by the law mongers.
The German administered his chosen and timed it such that he died just one day before he was due to be hanged by the lawyers. That script is similar and familiar with many a military man facing tribunals, they are people of daily battles. The ICTR has two cases it dubbed Military one and two, were former officers in Rwanda's national army before and during 1994. As events in both cases unfold, military tactics are plenty.
And like the German general, the suspects in both cases know calculations very well. The lawyers, politicians and everyone involved in this drama of justice are equally fooled fooled by these soldiers-who it must be made clear here are always looking on with disinterest while their lawyers argue their cases.
Charged as a group or individuals, the different former soldiers of the EX-FAR standing trial at the ICTR can as well make episodes in in any thriller, take the example of one military case involving former top soldiers who were part of the technocrats during the Genocide, the case is comprised of General Bizimungu, 55, along with three others charged with genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.
The trial resumed on 25 August after a two month break and then stopped bon the same day because as official court sources say: "lack of witnesses. This Military case features the other Tripartite of General Augustin Ndindiliyimana, Major François-Xavier Nzuwonemeye and Captain Innocent Sagahutu, thier case first came for the first in 2004 after each of the officers were arrested from different places on the continent.
Since thier initial appearance the push and pull tricks of the ICTR have gone on for four years because of such reasons as" witnesses could not arrive on time as scheduled and this led to suspension of proceedings after only two witnesses testified in the first session after a two month break.
At the time of adjournment , Major Francois-Xavier Nzuwonemeye, former Commander of the Reconnaissance Battalion was still presenting his defence case. A total of 21 witnesses have already testified for him. He is the third in the group after General Augustin Bizimunngu who finished his defense in late 2007.
The statistics of how many cases the ICTR has handled in what time period and the averages of time, money cost and all other expenses are so comical that during the week one official found humour in calling the Arusha based UN Detention Facility a health facility.
The official was giving his views about another case involving a former mayor of Muganza Elie Ndayambaje, he was presenting a Roman Catholic priest in his area then Tiziano Pegorora who admitted to telling refugees seeking sanctuary in his church in 1994 to vacate his church and seek shelter elsewhere, about 300 people inside his church were killed.
The cleric was appearing as a defense witness for the politician! These an many other cases at the ICTR are what one humorous human rights activist used as he referred to the Arusha based UN Detention Facility as the leading health club in the region where members do not pay any fee
BY GEORGE KAGAME
In The Matter of Honour, by British politician Jaffrey Archer, there's a story about a German general who is facing charges for his role in the 1945 second world war which to a large extend set many precedents for the term Genocide as it is widely understood today.
The military man aware that his chances of survival were minimal, he let the lawyers in the military tribunal have a field day. He schemed his way and acquired a chemical weapon which would ensure that he is not sent to his death by the law mongers.
The German administered his chosen and timed it such that he died just one day before he was due to be hanged by the lawyers. That script is similar and familiar with many a military man facing tribunals, they are people of daily battles. The ICTR has two cases it dubbed Military one and two, were former officers in Rwanda's national army before and during 1994. As events in both cases unfold, military tactics are plenty.
And like the German general, the suspects in both cases know calculations very well. The lawyers, politicians and everyone involved in this drama of justice are equally fooled fooled by these soldiers-who it must be made clear here are always looking on with disinterest while their lawyers argue their cases.
Charged as a group or individuals, the different former soldiers of the EX-FAR standing trial at the ICTR can as well make episodes in in any thriller, take the example of one military case involving former top soldiers who were part of the technocrats during the Genocide, the case is comprised of General Bizimungu, 55, along with three others charged with genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.
The trial resumed on 25 August after a two month break and then stopped bon the same day because as official court sources say: "lack of witnesses. This Military case features the other Tripartite of General Augustin Ndindiliyimana, Major François-Xavier Nzuwonemeye and Captain Innocent Sagahutu, thier case first came for the first in 2004 after each of the officers were arrested from different places on the continent.
Since thier initial appearance the push and pull tricks of the ICTR have gone on for four years because of such reasons as" witnesses could not arrive on time as scheduled and this led to suspension of proceedings after only two witnesses testified in the first session after a two month break.
At the time of adjournment , Major Francois-Xavier Nzuwonemeye, former Commander of the Reconnaissance Battalion was still presenting his defence case. A total of 21 witnesses have already testified for him. He is the third in the group after General Augustin Bizimunngu who finished his defense in late 2007.
The statistics of how many cases the ICTR has handled in what time period and the averages of time, money cost and all other expenses are so comical that during the week one official found humour in calling the Arusha based UN Detention Facility a health facility.
The official was giving his views about another case involving a former mayor of Muganza Elie Ndayambaje, he was presenting a Roman Catholic priest in his area then Tiziano Pegorora who admitted to telling refugees seeking sanctuary in his church in 1994 to vacate his church and seek shelter elsewhere, about 300 people inside his church were killed.
The cleric was appearing as a defense witness for the politician! These an many other cases at the ICTR are what one humorous human rights activist used as he referred to the Arusha based UN Detention Facility as the leading health club in the region where members do not pay any fee
Nchamihigo, Rwanda lawyer at ICTR sentenced to life
Former Western Province prosecutor accused of Genocide to be sentenced his Friday
BY GEORGE KAGAME
Arusha
The trial of Simeon Nchamihigo, the former Deputy Prosecutor for Cyangugu Prefecture currently part of the Northern Province will come to a conclusion with judgment expected next Wednesday 25, from Trail Chamber 111, seven years since the former lawyer appeared in court on 2001.
Nchamihigo 48 was then charged for genocide, extermination and murder for his role in organizing the militias charged with exterminating the Tutsi and their allies during the 1994 killing spree and he pleaded not guilty to all charges, the sentencing was expected to be passed this Friday but has been forwarded to mid next week.
The prosecution alleged that the legal expert on one particular occasion wore a military uniform and carried a weapon as he participated in a campaign with leaders of the military and the Interahamwe militia in Cyangugu to exterminate Tutsis and moderates from the Hutu opposition whom he considered traitors and accomplices of the Rwandan Patriotic Front.
He was also accused for distributing weapons and ordered the killing of Tutsi civilians including a priest, who was killed in his presence at a roadblock in May 1994, Nchamihigo who was an influential politician in the Western region as Secretary for the Coalition pour la Défense de la République (CDR), is further alleged to have thrown celebratory parties for the Interahamwe, offering and food for their 'duties.' Among his notable contributions during the genocide was his order to burn one family in their own car and pouring fuel one individual to be burnt.
Nchamihigo was arrested in Arusha, Tanzania on 19 May 2001 and transferred to the Tribunal’s Detention Facility on 25 May 2001; he is represented by Denis Turcotte from Canada while the Prosecution is represented by Alphonse Van from Ivory Coast.
Judge Dennis M. Byron the President of the ICTR will preside over the judgment in Trial Chamber 111 next week.
Nchamihigo was arrested in 2001 at the ICTR premises after he was discovered in the employment of the court under a false name. His detention was inspired by a witness at one of the trials; the witness recognised him and revealed his true identity as one of the organisers of the genocide.
BY GEORGE KAGAME
Arusha
The trial of Simeon Nchamihigo, the former Deputy Prosecutor for Cyangugu Prefecture currently part of the Northern Province will come to a conclusion with judgment expected next Wednesday 25, from Trail Chamber 111, seven years since the former lawyer appeared in court on 2001.
Nchamihigo 48 was then charged for genocide, extermination and murder for his role in organizing the militias charged with exterminating the Tutsi and their allies during the 1994 killing spree and he pleaded not guilty to all charges, the sentencing was expected to be passed this Friday but has been forwarded to mid next week.
The prosecution alleged that the legal expert on one particular occasion wore a military uniform and carried a weapon as he participated in a campaign with leaders of the military and the Interahamwe militia in Cyangugu to exterminate Tutsis and moderates from the Hutu opposition whom he considered traitors and accomplices of the Rwandan Patriotic Front.
He was also accused for distributing weapons and ordered the killing of Tutsi civilians including a priest, who was killed in his presence at a roadblock in May 1994, Nchamihigo who was an influential politician in the Western region as Secretary for the Coalition pour la Défense de la République (CDR), is further alleged to have thrown celebratory parties for the Interahamwe, offering and food for their 'duties.' Among his notable contributions during the genocide was his order to burn one family in their own car and pouring fuel one individual to be burnt.
Nchamihigo was arrested in Arusha, Tanzania on 19 May 2001 and transferred to the Tribunal’s Detention Facility on 25 May 2001; he is represented by Denis Turcotte from Canada while the Prosecution is represented by Alphonse Van from Ivory Coast.
Judge Dennis M. Byron the President of the ICTR will preside over the judgment in Trial Chamber 111 next week.
Nchamihigo was arrested in 2001 at the ICTR premises after he was discovered in the employment of the court under a false name. His detention was inspired by a witness at one of the trials; the witness recognised him and revealed his true identity as one of the organisers of the genocide.
September 08
Women to dominate unique Rwanda parliament and Zimbabwe begins journey to sobriety
BY GEORGE KAGAME This week's events and stories were determined by the parliamentary elections which would otherwise have passed like any other political activity but were made unique because most of the victors were women politicians who are at greater advantage again after out numbering their male legislative colleagues.
The Rwandan parliament will be the first since modern history in which women are the majority, but the victory of the women is not likely to change the political landscape of the country since most of them come the Rwanda Patriotic Front, the party which won most of the seats available.
This is the second time that Rwanda makes history in gender politics of legislative assemblies; the last parliament had 48 percent of its members, which was also the highest representation of women in any parliament in the world. Election monitors were quick to welcome the results as having been organized in a fair manner; the organizers said voter turnout was 90 percent while rebel group operating in Eastern DR Congo and Belgium were quick to dismiss the results.
James Musoni the minister of Finance also released another form of figures but his were sad, he said that the government spends annually FRW 37m on capacity building purposes, the money is channeled through universities and research institutions with the sole objective of producing national experts, and reduce depending on foreigners in all the crucial sectors of the economy.
It is not clear which skilled labour policy the government puts more emphasis, currently the ministry of labour is undertaking the national skills audit upon whose completion the government will introduce incentives to attract foreigners to come and work in Rwanda.
Talking capacity building, Rwanda is currently contributing to the funding of African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF), which is a pan African institution aiming to solve skilled human labour shortage on the continent.
The lyrics of Bob Marley's 'Zimbabwe', were inspirational last week as Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangarai agreed to put their mutual dislike and distrust for each other to lay a framework of a new government since presidential election were held in that country at the beginning of the year, the results of those elections were completely confusing not only to the two men, but the country and the whole world.
Zimbabwe and the two men have been trying to settle that confusion since then. Last week,the political impasse in Zimbabwe was slowly taking a sober shape after Tsvangarai the esterwhile opposition leader in the country and its ailing president Mugabe agreed to share power ending a long standing violent dispute between their two political parties. In the Deal that was signed last week, Tsvangarai will be a prime minster and have his party colleagues part of the cabinet.
After the agreement, Tsvangarai told the press that he does not trust Mugabe but believes the old man is willing to forge a way forward for the crippling Zimbabwe back to economic stability after plunging to alarming inflation rates, South African president Thabo Mbeki who himself is fighting for his legacy under the threat of Jacob Zuma is credited for helping to settle the Zimbabwe crisis.
If 84 year old Mugabe is fighting for his political career and legacy, he will be happy to learn of the fate of 86 year old Mohammadu Bello Abubakar, whose unique marriage to 86 women has caused a puzzle to Islamic, legal and traditional practitioners in Nigeria.
The Nigerian, whose marriage troubles have been disturbing authorities in recent months was arrested by an Islamic court for refusing to divorce all but four of them. The muslim scholar was arrested during the holy month of Ramadathan and charged charged with "insulting religious creed" and "unlawful marriages".
What is interesting in this case is that while Niger traditional leaders have ordered Bello to divorce 82 of his wives, the legal courts have judged him innocent (citing his human rights), and the islamic court has instead arrested him, who is fooling whom?
Relationships is what President Paul Kagame was talking about last week when he stated that Rwanda is currently considering issuing arrest warrants against the French officials that were implicated in the Mucyo report for their part in the Rwandan Genocide.
Kagame said the warrants would be a counter measure for the warrants issued against Rwandans by the French judiciary in 2006, the talk of warrants caused a diplomatic furore between the two and were the hottest political issue at the time.
While politicians are busy paying their lip service about East African integration, mobile telephone companies in the region have chosen to ignore all political gibberish and make the regional block a reality, last week leading communications network introduced uniform tariffs for their subscribers, this will ensure that clients will be able to recharge their talking time while they travel across the region with out having to change their phone chips.
BY GEORGE KAGAME This week's events and stories were determined by the parliamentary elections which would otherwise have passed like any other political activity but were made unique because most of the victors were women politicians who are at greater advantage again after out numbering their male legislative colleagues.
The Rwandan parliament will be the first since modern history in which women are the majority, but the victory of the women is not likely to change the political landscape of the country since most of them come the Rwanda Patriotic Front, the party which won most of the seats available.
This is the second time that Rwanda makes history in gender politics of legislative assemblies; the last parliament had 48 percent of its members, which was also the highest representation of women in any parliament in the world. Election monitors were quick to welcome the results as having been organized in a fair manner; the organizers said voter turnout was 90 percent while rebel group operating in Eastern DR Congo and Belgium were quick to dismiss the results.
James Musoni the minister of Finance also released another form of figures but his were sad, he said that the government spends annually FRW 37m on capacity building purposes, the money is channeled through universities and research institutions with the sole objective of producing national experts, and reduce depending on foreigners in all the crucial sectors of the economy.
It is not clear which skilled labour policy the government puts more emphasis, currently the ministry of labour is undertaking the national skills audit upon whose completion the government will introduce incentives to attract foreigners to come and work in Rwanda.
Talking capacity building, Rwanda is currently contributing to the funding of African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF), which is a pan African institution aiming to solve skilled human labour shortage on the continent.
The lyrics of Bob Marley's 'Zimbabwe', were inspirational last week as Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangarai agreed to put their mutual dislike and distrust for each other to lay a framework of a new government since presidential election were held in that country at the beginning of the year, the results of those elections were completely confusing not only to the two men, but the country and the whole world.
Zimbabwe and the two men have been trying to settle that confusion since then. Last week,the political impasse in Zimbabwe was slowly taking a sober shape after Tsvangarai the esterwhile opposition leader in the country and its ailing president Mugabe agreed to share power ending a long standing violent dispute between their two political parties. In the Deal that was signed last week, Tsvangarai will be a prime minster and have his party colleagues part of the cabinet.
After the agreement, Tsvangarai told the press that he does not trust Mugabe but believes the old man is willing to forge a way forward for the crippling Zimbabwe back to economic stability after plunging to alarming inflation rates, South African president Thabo Mbeki who himself is fighting for his legacy under the threat of Jacob Zuma is credited for helping to settle the Zimbabwe crisis.
If 84 year old Mugabe is fighting for his political career and legacy, he will be happy to learn of the fate of 86 year old Mohammadu Bello Abubakar, whose unique marriage to 86 women has caused a puzzle to Islamic, legal and traditional practitioners in Nigeria.
The Nigerian, whose marriage troubles have been disturbing authorities in recent months was arrested by an Islamic court for refusing to divorce all but four of them. The muslim scholar was arrested during the holy month of Ramadathan and charged charged with "insulting religious creed" and "unlawful marriages".
What is interesting in this case is that while Niger traditional leaders have ordered Bello to divorce 82 of his wives, the legal courts have judged him innocent (citing his human rights), and the islamic court has instead arrested him, who is fooling whom?
Relationships is what President Paul Kagame was talking about last week when he stated that Rwanda is currently considering issuing arrest warrants against the French officials that were implicated in the Mucyo report for their part in the Rwandan Genocide.
Kagame said the warrants would be a counter measure for the warrants issued against Rwandans by the French judiciary in 2006, the talk of warrants caused a diplomatic furore between the two and were the hottest political issue at the time.
While politicians are busy paying their lip service about East African integration, mobile telephone companies in the region have chosen to ignore all political gibberish and make the regional block a reality, last week leading communications network introduced uniform tariffs for their subscribers, this will ensure that clients will be able to recharge their talking time while they travel across the region with out having to change their phone chips.
September 08 2
EAC talks Common Market, as national Insecticide spray campaign is re-launched
BY GEORGE KAGAME
Talk of East Africa’s five nation integration into one regional economical community, long a topic for newspaper editorials is beginning to make some progress on the practical front.
On trade negotiations currently underway, the five member representatives agreed to curb Kenya’s domination of the 120 million population market in the region. In the new arrangements, goods and services produced by the private sector in the other members will have freer cross boarder movement among the respective EAC countries.
This is one of the steps forwarded last week in negotiations in preparations for the region’s entry into a common market; the second stage of the integration process after the Customs unions which also currently being discussed.
The EAC collapsed 10 years after its creation in 1977 after Uganda’s industries were swamped by cheaper products easily imported from Kenya, yet Kenya never imported much from Uganda.
Other members of the EAC are also concerned that Uganda is currently dominating the education sector where today, 50 percent of the student population in the country is from other members of the EAC.
In 2008 the EAC is still facing the same challenge as products from Kenya form the bulk of all consumer goods sold throughout the region.
Now trade experts in Nairobi agreed to form a fund to which all members will contribute a buffer resource whereby when one the weaker economies in the region suffers from trade imbalances as part of the new Common Market, it will be saved by a compensation from the EAC.
Problem is that the discussants never clarified which trade imbalance will have interventions, after which stage, and determined by whom!
Kenya’s firms will also have a 10 year gap to wait for the construction and reinsurance sectors of the other members of the EAC growing to grow before they are allowed to expend therein.
Still talking regional trade, Mombassa port, the most important terminal in East Africa has committed to go fully modern, with the installation of the e-status to the Kenyan coastal seaport.
Port authorities here have been busy after beginning 24 hour services only a few days ago, according James Mulerwa Kenya Ports Authorities boss, currently it is possible for importers to follow the clearance of their products at the port on-line in the recently launched the second phase of the IT-based Kilindini Waterfront System (KWATOS).
President Mwai Kibaki only a week ago directed that the port operates 24 hours per day to clear congestion and have a seamless transit system of commercial cargo into the interior. President Paul Kagame has been at the forefront calling upon regional leaders to implement modern and faster services at cross boarder points.
Talking health, the National Malaria Control Programme-PNLIP, last week re-launched the controversial insecticide indoor control programme funded by USAID.
The campaign to spray ICON inside all houses in the country was launched in December 2007 but suspended in February 2008 abruptly by the ministry of health amid environmental and health concerns, the technical institutions involved quoted a complex misunderstandings between RTI, the US technical firm charged with spraying with national malaria control officials.
Indoor-insecticide spraying is one of the malaria control programs adopted last year in addition to the widely used bed nets and a new prescription medicine Coartem. The next spraying campaign will cover Kigali, Kirehe at mosquito prone eastern boarder district and Nyanza in the south.
In Eastern Congo, an airplane crash is claimed to have killed 17 humanitarian workers in the past week, the second since the beginning of the year the first having claimed about 100 in Goma town. In the same period, another series of gunfire battles erupted between General Laurent Nkunda’s troops and the Congolese army in the conflict prone Eastern region of DRC, in the most recent episode, which lasted from Thursday last week to Sunday claimed several injured soldiers on both sides.
Nkunda is alleged to be fighting for the protection of his Banyamelenge tribesmen threatened by elements in the DRC army in collaboration with FDLR, a rebel bandit group composed of individuals suspected to have participated in Rwandan Genocide of 1994. The conflicts in Eastern Congo are the most puzzling issue to security stakeholders in the Great Lakes Region.
The glare of genocide was in the limelight as a several research institutions including government stated that there were currently 309 368 in the country.
Also in the news: Italy agreed to compensate Libya in financial terms, the suffering that the African country had undergone while under colonial control by Italy.
The deal between Muamar Gaddafi and Silvio Berlusconi will cost Italy US 5bn.
Libya was occupied by Italy in 1911 before becoming a colony in the 1930s; it also became the first African country gain independence in 1951.
During the week also, a Nigerian man caused a little concern to population and religious experts; the 86 year old Mohamed Bello is legally married to 86 wives and has 170 children, as part of his contribution to the most populous country in Africa.
Bello’s case became an issue when he proposed to his 87th potential wife; he has since been forced to divorce 82 of his wives.
BY GEORGE KAGAME
Talk of East Africa’s five nation integration into one regional economical community, long a topic for newspaper editorials is beginning to make some progress on the practical front.
On trade negotiations currently underway, the five member representatives agreed to curb Kenya’s domination of the 120 million population market in the region. In the new arrangements, goods and services produced by the private sector in the other members will have freer cross boarder movement among the respective EAC countries.
This is one of the steps forwarded last week in negotiations in preparations for the region’s entry into a common market; the second stage of the integration process after the Customs unions which also currently being discussed.
The EAC collapsed 10 years after its creation in 1977 after Uganda’s industries were swamped by cheaper products easily imported from Kenya, yet Kenya never imported much from Uganda.
Other members of the EAC are also concerned that Uganda is currently dominating the education sector where today, 50 percent of the student population in the country is from other members of the EAC.
In 2008 the EAC is still facing the same challenge as products from Kenya form the bulk of all consumer goods sold throughout the region.
Now trade experts in Nairobi agreed to form a fund to which all members will contribute a buffer resource whereby when one the weaker economies in the region suffers from trade imbalances as part of the new Common Market, it will be saved by a compensation from the EAC.
Problem is that the discussants never clarified which trade imbalance will have interventions, after which stage, and determined by whom!
Kenya’s firms will also have a 10 year gap to wait for the construction and reinsurance sectors of the other members of the EAC growing to grow before they are allowed to expend therein.
Still talking regional trade, Mombassa port, the most important terminal in East Africa has committed to go fully modern, with the installation of the e-status to the Kenyan coastal seaport.
Port authorities here have been busy after beginning 24 hour services only a few days ago, according James Mulerwa Kenya Ports Authorities boss, currently it is possible for importers to follow the clearance of their products at the port on-line in the recently launched the second phase of the IT-based Kilindini Waterfront System (KWATOS).
President Mwai Kibaki only a week ago directed that the port operates 24 hours per day to clear congestion and have a seamless transit system of commercial cargo into the interior. President Paul Kagame has been at the forefront calling upon regional leaders to implement modern and faster services at cross boarder points.
Talking health, the National Malaria Control Programme-PNLIP, last week re-launched the controversial insecticide indoor control programme funded by USAID.
The campaign to spray ICON inside all houses in the country was launched in December 2007 but suspended in February 2008 abruptly by the ministry of health amid environmental and health concerns, the technical institutions involved quoted a complex misunderstandings between RTI, the US technical firm charged with spraying with national malaria control officials.
Indoor-insecticide spraying is one of the malaria control programs adopted last year in addition to the widely used bed nets and a new prescription medicine Coartem. The next spraying campaign will cover Kigali, Kirehe at mosquito prone eastern boarder district and Nyanza in the south.
In Eastern Congo, an airplane crash is claimed to have killed 17 humanitarian workers in the past week, the second since the beginning of the year the first having claimed about 100 in Goma town. In the same period, another series of gunfire battles erupted between General Laurent Nkunda’s troops and the Congolese army in the conflict prone Eastern region of DRC, in the most recent episode, which lasted from Thursday last week to Sunday claimed several injured soldiers on both sides.
Nkunda is alleged to be fighting for the protection of his Banyamelenge tribesmen threatened by elements in the DRC army in collaboration with FDLR, a rebel bandit group composed of individuals suspected to have participated in Rwandan Genocide of 1994. The conflicts in Eastern Congo are the most puzzling issue to security stakeholders in the Great Lakes Region.
The glare of genocide was in the limelight as a several research institutions including government stated that there were currently 309 368 in the country.
Also in the news: Italy agreed to compensate Libya in financial terms, the suffering that the African country had undergone while under colonial control by Italy.
The deal between Muamar Gaddafi and Silvio Berlusconi will cost Italy US 5bn.
Libya was occupied by Italy in 1911 before becoming a colony in the 1930s; it also became the first African country gain independence in 1951.
During the week also, a Nigerian man caused a little concern to population and religious experts; the 86 year old Mohamed Bello is legally married to 86 wives and has 170 children, as part of his contribution to the most populous country in Africa.
Bello’s case became an issue when he proposed to his 87th potential wife; he has since been forced to divorce 82 of his wives.
Tuesday, 26 August 2008
Rwanda does not need international approbation - its judicial system is ready
BY CHARLOTTE KINGSMAN IN ARUSHA
A recently released report by the Rwandan government accusing France of having a role in the 1994 Rwanda Genocide, is a crucial step for Rwanda , let alone Africa.
The report accuses thirty-three French politicians, officials and soldiers, including former Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin and the late former president Francois Mitterrand, of playing major roles in the genocide.
Such allegations are extremely meaningful in light of this year’s recent events.
In its World Report in January 2008, Human Rights Watch (HRW) claimed that the Rwandan government was still “struggling with the consequences of the genocide”.
It took issue with the Gacaca jurisdiction in which the accused have no right to counsel and claimed that the popularity of Gacaca had declined following numerous cases of “faulty procedures, judicial corruption and false accusation”.
Gacaca is an indigenous form of restorative justice in Rwanda.
HRW’s report released in July, entitled Progress and Judicial Reform in Rwanda, was little more satisfying.
Despite acknowledgements that there have been noteworthy achievements in the delivery of justice in the last five years, the report claimed that “the technical and formal improvements in laws and administrative structure have not been matched by gains in independence in the judiciary and assurance of rights to a fair trial”.
The judiciary is said to be dominated by the executive and that official antipathy to views diverging from those of the government and its dominant party hamper the full realization of the potential of the reforms.
Allegedly, basic fair trial rights are not fully assured, including the right to presumption of innocence, the right to humane conditions of detention and the right to freedom from torture.
The report also argued that Rwandan political considerations have made it practically impossible for victims of crimes committed by Rwanda Patriotic Army soldiers in 1994 to receive justice.
The ICTR Trial Chambers took a similar position as they have consistently been denying the transferal of certain accused to Rwandan national jurisdiction, agreeing with HRW’s statement that “at this time, the independence of the courts and the assurance of fair trials are too limited”.
Requests for the transfer of Kanyarubiga’s case, as well as of Munyakazi and Hategekimana, were denied.
The Judges were not satisfied that the accused would have received a fair trial and, if sentenced to life imprisonment, the accused might have faced solitary confinement.
In such a context, accusing the French government of involvement in the 1994 genocide is a very meaningful political statement.
The head of HRW claimed that the accusation deliberately coincided with international pressure on Kagame’s Rwandan Patriotic Front to bring to trial those RPA soldiers accused of crimes in 1994.
The investigative journalist Linda Melvern, on the other hand, argued that the report was far too serious to be “a sort of tit-for-tat as part of a diplomatic spat”. She added that “this is a European army being accused of human rights abuses in Africa.
It thus needs careful consideration by international human rights groups”.
But here lies the paradox. International human rights groups deem that the country’s judicial system is not ready to try the most important persons accused of Genocide.
Yet, Rwanda releases a report officially accusing another country’s government of participation in the genocide.
This is a serious matter and the message is clear enough. Indeed, Rwanda’s Minister of Justice Tharcisse Karugarama warned that “this report is not just going to lie down but it’s going to be used to help bring to justice people that were involved in committing Genocide”.
He said that his country would try to press charges in an international body.
Rwanda is asking that the concept of “Challenging Impunity”, which has been the ICTR’s motto, be applicable to all, including western powers.
Rwanda is asking the international community to bring those accused of genocide to trial, in this case French officials, in the same way that the international community has been urging Rwanda to try the accused RPA soldiers.
The Rwandan government is making a point; no one must escape accountability.
As Linda Melvern said, “What is needed here is the release of a lot of information”. For instance, regarding the assassination on April the 6th of Juvenile Habyarimana, the former president of Rwanda.
She claimed that “It’s incredible that two African presidents were assassinated that night over the skies of Kigali and that there’s been no international inquiry. Had it been two European presidents assassinated, there would have been an immediate inquiry”.
The journalist told Democracy Now that she believed certain western governments, including France, the US, and Belgium, are holding back information.
Beyond the question of whether the French government will be held responsible in the events of 1994, the way the international community will respond to the report might prove to be a turning point in African politics.
Ends
UHURU BAND
Uhuru Brothers preaching love above diplomatic obstacles between France and Rwanda
BY GEORGE KAGAME&
CHARLOTTE KINGSMAN
The recently released Mucyo report which officially emphasized the role of France in helping the government of Juvenal Habyarimana in effectively carrying out the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda is the latest twist in a long running love to hate and hates to love relationship between the two countries beginning many years back.
This relationship between Rwanda and France can be likened to a teenage love affair, which in many cases does not have any clear starting point, for starters Rwanda was not one of the colonies of France in Africa, instead Rwanda was a Belgian colony and France's interest in Rwanda can be said to have been motivated by the French desire to have their language spoken here as part of what was once known throughout colonial Africa as the assimilation policy.
The two countries struck a cord on basically cultural interests, this interest was sustained for a very long time by strong personal and political connections among leaders of both countries, to an extent, the alliances worked out well for both politicians in the two countries and this kept the relations between Rwanda and France cordial till 1994.
Several academicians and opinion leaders have stated that France is to a certain extent responsible for the events leading to the genocide, while many have argued that if that is not the case, France was in a strong position to stop the genocide in Rwanda before it got to the level it did-almost a million innocent Rwandans killed by their neighbours and friends.
The latest and most enduring images of the relationship between Rwanda and France is when both countries decided to close any diplomatic contact with each other in late 2006 after a French judge accused officials of Rwanda's ruling RPF for instigating the Rwandan Genocide. Since then there has not been any formal contact between the former 'love birds' and 'enemies' could not be misplaced if used to describe the state of affairs between the two countries currently.
With such a background it comes as a surprise that as French and Rwandan politicians do not seem to be seeing each other 'eye to eye', the exact opposite is happening among youths of both countries as told in the story of Antoine Chavendelier a @@@ from France and a group of Rwandans that formed a band known as Uhuru Brothers.
Uhuru is swahili for 'freedom', according to Chavendlier the Uhuru Brothers are the brothers of freedom "because each of us comes with their own background and feeds the group with their own unique and original style."
But Chavendlier is not just a member of the Uhuru Brothers, he has a day job in one of Kigali upmarket suburbs as a full time official, he says his inspiration to help start Uhuru Brothers grew out of his friendship with Jovial@@@, a Rwandan musician residing in Kiyovu a Kigali downtown suburb: "I met Jovial and from our friendship grew the band, he used to invite many friends to play at his house in the Kiyovu. Some of them were very professional and inspired to do something for music even if i was not here for a musical career. I was willing to help them." Uhuru band plays rumba, East African raggaeton and salsa but Chavendlier says roots-rock-raggae is their specialty.
Chavendlier has been in Rwanda for over a year now, he says he loves the country and irrespective of the political situation between the two countries he loves Rwanda, "I like Rwanda, my motivation to stay here has also a lot to do with the Uhuru Brothers. It’s a project close to my heart. One day i hope to see the band succeed to great levels." \
As a Frenchman living in Rwanda currently Chavendlier says: "Rwanda is one of the few countries where it is hard to go when you are French! I was really saddened to see the Franco-Rwandan cultural centre closed but I know that if I’m here it means that Rwanda wanted me and accepted me."
Chavendlier is concerned by the less impressive standards of Rwanda's musical industry today, he says that most musicians in the country are heavily influenced by US hip hop and many rely on playback to perform their own songs he adds that in France the audience would pelt eggs and tomatoes to artists performing on playback, he says that Rwandans however love music but they do not fully appreciate it: "there are currently very few options because there are also fewer musical instruments in the country. It is one of the basic observations which makes me want to help develop live music in Rwanda."
He adds that the poor state of music in Rwanda explains why most high profile artists that perform in Rwanda are from abroad contrary to most countries. The undeveloped potential of Rwanda's music industry has been caused by a weaker private sector in the country and Chavendlier agrees, he says: "......the private sector can contribute to the success of local musicians so long as it promotes a modern but Rwandan music. In that way Congo, Ivory Coast and Ethiopia have managed to become key in the African musical world and export their music well beyond the continent’s borders. But to get there, Rwanda must protect and promote its artistic heritage, exploit it as a proof of national reconciliation so that the Rwandans themselves can promote it."
And from that background Chavndlier says that Rwanda's music now has a richer heritage because the country is at the crossroads of two cultures strongly influenced by ex-colonies: "from this fact emerges a varied musical culture in which artists can easily alternate rumba and reggae. What is more, I have met extremely talented singers and musicians despite the lack of musical training available at the level of the mass. I just regret that there is not more inspiration from traditional music. I hope that one day Rwandan musicians will make more use of Rwandan traditional music and create their own particular style."
BY GEORGE KAGAME&
CHARLOTTE KINGSMAN
The recently released Mucyo report which officially emphasized the role of France in helping the government of Juvenal Habyarimana in effectively carrying out the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda is the latest twist in a long running love to hate and hates to love relationship between the two countries beginning many years back.
This relationship between Rwanda and France can be likened to a teenage love affair, which in many cases does not have any clear starting point, for starters Rwanda was not one of the colonies of France in Africa, instead Rwanda was a Belgian colony and France's interest in Rwanda can be said to have been motivated by the French desire to have their language spoken here as part of what was once known throughout colonial Africa as the assimilation policy.
The two countries struck a cord on basically cultural interests, this interest was sustained for a very long time by strong personal and political connections among leaders of both countries, to an extent, the alliances worked out well for both politicians in the two countries and this kept the relations between Rwanda and France cordial till 1994.
Several academicians and opinion leaders have stated that France is to a certain extent responsible for the events leading to the genocide, while many have argued that if that is not the case, France was in a strong position to stop the genocide in Rwanda before it got to the level it did-almost a million innocent Rwandans killed by their neighbours and friends.
The latest and most enduring images of the relationship between Rwanda and France is when both countries decided to close any diplomatic contact with each other in late 2006 after a French judge accused officials of Rwanda's ruling RPF for instigating the Rwandan Genocide. Since then there has not been any formal contact between the former 'love birds' and 'enemies' could not be misplaced if used to describe the state of affairs between the two countries currently.
With such a background it comes as a surprise that as French and Rwandan politicians do not seem to be seeing each other 'eye to eye', the exact opposite is happening among youths of both countries as told in the story of Antoine Chavendelier a @@@ from France and a group of Rwandans that formed a band known as Uhuru Brothers.
Uhuru is swahili for 'freedom', according to Chavendlier the Uhuru Brothers are the brothers of freedom "because each of us comes with their own background and feeds the group with their own unique and original style."
But Chavendlier is not just a member of the Uhuru Brothers, he has a day job in one of Kigali upmarket suburbs as a full time official, he says his inspiration to help start Uhuru Brothers grew out of his friendship with Jovial@@@, a Rwandan musician residing in Kiyovu a Kigali downtown suburb: "I met Jovial and from our friendship grew the band, he used to invite many friends to play at his house in the Kiyovu. Some of them were very professional and inspired to do something for music even if i was not here for a musical career. I was willing to help them." Uhuru band plays rumba, East African raggaeton and salsa but Chavendlier says roots-rock-raggae is their specialty.
Chavendlier has been in Rwanda for over a year now, he says he loves the country and irrespective of the political situation between the two countries he loves Rwanda, "I like Rwanda, my motivation to stay here has also a lot to do with the Uhuru Brothers. It’s a project close to my heart. One day i hope to see the band succeed to great levels." \
As a Frenchman living in Rwanda currently Chavendlier says: "Rwanda is one of the few countries where it is hard to go when you are French! I was really saddened to see the Franco-Rwandan cultural centre closed but I know that if I’m here it means that Rwanda wanted me and accepted me."
Chavendlier is concerned by the less impressive standards of Rwanda's musical industry today, he says that most musicians in the country are heavily influenced by US hip hop and many rely on playback to perform their own songs he adds that in France the audience would pelt eggs and tomatoes to artists performing on playback, he says that Rwandans however love music but they do not fully appreciate it: "there are currently very few options because there are also fewer musical instruments in the country. It is one of the basic observations which makes me want to help develop live music in Rwanda."
He adds that the poor state of music in Rwanda explains why most high profile artists that perform in Rwanda are from abroad contrary to most countries. The undeveloped potential of Rwanda's music industry has been caused by a weaker private sector in the country and Chavendlier agrees, he says: "......the private sector can contribute to the success of local musicians so long as it promotes a modern but Rwandan music. In that way Congo, Ivory Coast and Ethiopia have managed to become key in the African musical world and export their music well beyond the continent’s borders. But to get there, Rwanda must protect and promote its artistic heritage, exploit it as a proof of national reconciliation so that the Rwandans themselves can promote it."
And from that background Chavndlier says that Rwanda's music now has a richer heritage because the country is at the crossroads of two cultures strongly influenced by ex-colonies: "from this fact emerges a varied musical culture in which artists can easily alternate rumba and reggae. What is more, I have met extremely talented singers and musicians despite the lack of musical training available at the level of the mass. I just regret that there is not more inspiration from traditional music. I hope that one day Rwandan musicians will make more use of Rwandan traditional music and create their own particular style."
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