ARUSHA SERIES

Media case at ICTR sets the wrong tone for journalism in the country

BY GEORGE KAGAME

The evolution of the media industry in Rwanda is as equally inspiring as it is annoying. Inspiring because the first piece of African literature to be translated from a 'colonial' language into a vernacular language in East and Central Africa was a Kinya-rwanda version of the missionary bible.

The bible as thus was very critical in the beginning of the 'culture of obedience' as has been publicized before by many modern politicians in Rwanda. The politicians invoke the theory that Rwandans were or have been groomed to follow whatever instructions come from those above them-in most cases government the from 'above' . In that aspect, to show the measure of strength of communication in Kinya-rwanda, according renowned academician Mahmood Mamdani, Kinya-rwanda is the most widely spoken vernacular language in the world.

Naturally the instructions have historically been passed through to the intended audiences by the media, and as a result the position of the media in the country has swung as many times as the politicians have. The media in Rwanda as a result is now left to fight for its own relevance in the r-ebiulding process of the country. The most obvious example of how mixed up the relationship between journalists and politicians in Rwanda can be found in the famous media case at the ICTR.

The trial against Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza and Hassan Ngeze, popularly dubbed the Media case, involves the prosecution of three Rwandan journalists alleged to have been among the masterminds behind a media campaign to desensitize the Hutu population and incite them to murder the ethnic Tutsi population in Rwanda in 1994, this was packaged through the famous 'ten commandments'. Yet that was not the first case when the wrong people got in the way of media development in Rwanda. The first president of the republic Gregoire Kayibanda won support in 1959 from both colonialists and subjects for his now famous Par'muhutu commandments, which again were the core matter of journalism for Hassan Ngeze.
With such a background, it is possible the current state of the media in the country envisions a past background of damage. The government has in the past been accused of being intolerant to media criticism which has arguably suppressed the development of a free and active media industry in the country. As a result international media rating organizations have ranked Rwanda very low among 'media friendly' countries for its alleged hard line against media houses which are perceived as not toying the government official line. In its defense, the Rwandan government has on many occasions stated that the media industry is unprofessional and many parasitizing journalists in the country needed further training. In response, privately owned media organizations have cited limited revenue from the private and public sector as a reason for continued closure and poor management in many of these institutions. They say both factors conspire to maintain the current poor state of the media in Rwanda. Today, there is need to work towards creating a serious media industry in the country that can competently challenge government policies, instead of relying on it as the only source of news, legislation and funding. If the Rwandan media industry debated on many affairs beyond government issues and events, in the country it would increasingly dominate public affairs and inevitably develop. That way, the government will one day be able to appreciate journalism in the country and as it explains the gains from good governance, the fight against Malaria and HIV/Aids, the same government will also mention its achievements in the media sector. One that happens, it will be a well reserved reward for the ordinary decent reporters throughout the country that continue telling Rwanda's new story.